Will I be on T.V.?
docx | pdf | html | digitalizáty ◆ článek, anglicky, vznik: 1978
  • in: Index on Censorship, 7, 1978, č. 3, str. 11–13
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    Will I be on T.V? [1978]

     

    Whose disgrace?

     

    The following account was written by the
    philosopher Ladislav Hejdánek, who became one
    of the three spokesmen for Charter 77 after the
    death of his one-time teacher, Professor Jan
    Patočka, in March last year. It describes a form
    of harassment that is widespread in
    Czechoslovakia today – the temporary detainment
    of people the regime considers dangerous whenever
    a sensitive public event such as a political trial is
    to take place.

     

    Still playing the game of apparent legality,
    however shoddily, the police disguise such
    detainment as ‘ interrogation ³. According to the
    Law Concerning the National Security Corps (i.e.
    SNB, the uniformed police), you may be held for
    questioning in three circumstances: to' explain' a
    felony, to provide evidence as a witness, or as a
    direct suspect. The law stipulates that for the first
    two kinds of interrogation, you must be summoned in writing and told what felony is involved - in
    other words, who is suspected and of what. Article
    15 mentioned by Hejdánek concerns the first type
    of interrogation.

     

    Ladislav Hejdánek's account is dated 7 January
    1978. A month later the leading Czech playwright
    Pavel Kohout wrote a letter to the Czechoslovak
    Prime Minister, Lubomír Štrougal, complaining
    about the behaviour of the police on the evening
    of 28 January, when they prevented a large
    number of dissidents from attending the annual
    Railwaymen's Ball in Prague. The playwright
    Václav Havel, actor Pavel Landovsky, and
    musician Jaroslav Kukal were arrested, and
    Kohout himself knocked unconscious by a
    policeman who hit him from behind as he was
    leaving the premises. We print the full text of his
    letter to Dr Štrougal.

     

    Ladislav Hejdánek

     

    Will I be on T.V?

     

    It began as usual. At one p.m. on Friday – the
    day the Supreme Court decision on Aleš Macháček
    and Vladimír Laštuvka¹ was to be handed down
    – the STB came to pick me up at work. 'Well, off
    we go again, Mr Hejdánek. Of course you know
    the routine by now.'

     

    I asked the gentlemen to show me a written
    summons, but they didn't have one. They said an
    oral summons was enough and then rattled off a
    formal command for me to appear, etc., according
    to Article 19 of the Law concerning the National
    Security Corps. I asked what it was about and they
    said I'd find out soon enough. In other words, it
    was an irregular summons. I had always appeared
    before in response to written summonses. Why, I
    asked, had they resorted to these extraordinary
    and unlawful procedures? Moreover, I pointed out
    that I worked until three-thirty, and since they had
    never once recompensed me for the loss of pay
    this incurred, though I had always requested it, I
    told them I wouldn't leave before three-thirty. I
    also wanted to telephone home, but they wouldn't
    allow it.

    When it was clear that they weren't to be put
    off, I told them they could repeat the procedure
    they had gone through with Mr Tomín,' if that
    was what they wanted. And so they grabbed me,
    pulled me along the corridor and down the stairs,

    ¹Aleš Macháček, an agricultural engineer, and
    Vladimir Laštuvka, a nuclear physicist, were
    sentenced to three and a half years in prison on
    26-28 September 1977 on charges of 'subversion'
    for possessing and distributing 'illegal literature',
    including Charter 77. On 6 January this year, the
    Czechoslovak Supreme Court confirmed the sentence
    on Macháček, but reduced Laštuvka's by a year.


    2 Julius Tomín, a philosopher and signatory of Charter
    77, who was the first of the Chartists passively to
    resist illegal arrest.



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    dragged me across the courtyard on my back, and
    started shoving me rather roughly into the waiting
    car.

    It was here that I made my first mistake. I had
    been determined not to utter a word, for what had
    impressed me most about Tomín's comportment
    was his silence. I wanted to see whether I was up
    to it too. But to my shame I held out for only
    about two minutes. Then I pointed out to the
    puffing officers that I'd lost a shoe. They declared
    that they couldn't care less, then pushed me into
    the car. I was crestfallen - it was a question of
    human freedom and dignity and here I was
    worrying about my shoe. I resolved not to speak
    another word.

    The journey passed without incident. The officers
    were breathing heavily and the clearly more
    important one merely muttered darkly that if I so
    much as budged I'd catch it. Hands on your knees
    and not a move. I made no response.

    In Bartolomějská Street, they ordered me out.
    Again I did not respond. They cursed and
    threatened and then, slightly more roughly this
    time, hauled me out of the car, deliberately
    bumping my head against the door. Still cursing,
    they dragged me along the pavement, not by my
    arms but by my sleeves, up the steps and into the
    tiled building on my back. For the first time it was
    genuinely painful. They propped me against the
    porter's cabin, but the porter clearly didn't
    approve. You brought it in here,' he said, 'so
    you can clear it out of here too. The top brass
    will be coming by in a moment.

    So they dragged me off behind a partition and
    one of them went to phone the comrades from his
    department for help. A while later two more of
    them arrived and all four cursed me (son-of-a-
    bitch', 'cow' and other epithets from the animal
    kingdom, and so this is the spokesman, the
    national hero' and such like). They dragged me
    into the lift, kicking me collectively as they went.
    (I have to admit that on the whole they were gentle
    kicks, with the exception of one blow to the spine,
    which was more painful. Perhaps they were just
    warming up.) On the second floor they pulled
    me out of the lift and along the corridor into a
    room, where they left me lying on the floor. One
    of them tramped on my shoeless foot for good
    measure, then reconsidered, turned my foot over
    with his boot, and stamped on the arch (but
    again, not particularly hard) with the words,
    'Doesn't want to get up, does he? Naturally, I
    remained lying down. Then they went away to
    cool down, one staying behind with me.

    An hour or so later they began to lose patience
    and so at someone's suggestion, they opened the
    window to try and speed things up. This provided
    me with an opportunity (in this mutual experiment)
    to ascertain that one's legs tremble from the cold
    for only about a quarter of an hour, then the body
    arranges things, even if the foot is shoeless. The
    frigid atmosphere was occasionally broken by
    interjections like: 'Still don't want to talk, Mr
    Hejdánek? ' I said nothing. After a while they
    opened the door as well, and a draft playfully
    teased my hair. My legs began trembling again,
    but this time I knew it was only a matter of time
    before the wise body took care of it sua sponte.
    There is nothing like bodily resources for avoiding
    every act of violence; they are capable of handling
    almost anything.



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    Or so I thought. About five o'clock my leg was
    seized by a cramp, my back began to hurt
    unbearably and my stomach was writhing with
    pain (recently I've again been troubled by stomach
    ulcers, so that I have to eat at least a little at
    frequent intervals); to top it all I had to – if you'll
    excuse mè- go to the toilet. There is nothing like
    the bodily processes. Naturally I couldn't just get
    up without a word and walk out: who knows, they
    might have started shooting. And so I had to
    speak.

    I was given permission and an escort. I got to my
    feet stiffly and hobbled out with great difficulty.
    (Incidentally, just try walking, even without being
    in a state of incipient hibernation, with one shoe
    missing.)

    When I returned, I alternated between pacing
    about, standing behind a chair with my arms on
    the back of it and, until they forbade me to do
    so, ' sitting on the table, relieving my weight
    with both arms. One rather polite young man
    (who came in later and greeted me politely as I
    was lying there, so that I regretted not responding
    and apologised to him later) told me that I could
    lie on the table as before if I wasn't able to sit. I
    welcomed this suggestion and laid down. Later
    someone else came in and said that he was going
    to sit at the table and didn't want to have to stare
    at my head so might I-if I wished-lie down on
    the floor again?

    I did so. And then it was now about seven in
    the evening - he finally closed the window, leaving
    only the ventilator open. About half an hour later
    the door opened and in came a man who was the
    only one to introduce himself to me - he called
    himself Uhlíř – accompanied by another man with
    a video camera. Uhlíř announced that he was
    going to put a few questions to me and required
    an explanation according to Article 15 of the Law
    concerning the National Security Corps, and would
    I stand up. I did, but remained leaning against the
    back of the chair while he instructed me about the
    contents of Article 15 and asked two questions
    about what I knew of two leaflets he put before
    me. It was the first time I had ever seen them,
    so I said I knew nothing, that I had not read
    them. I was instructed again about my duty to
    tell them everything I might eventually find out
    about the leaflets. All this was filmed. The
    interrogator then asked me why I had refused to
    go with the security officers voluntarily so that
    they had to carry me. I replied that I had already
    given my reasons at the time, and I repeated them
    and made a correction - I wasn't carried but rather
    dragged, on my back, through the courtyard,
    through the streets, up and down stairs and
    corridors, and was kicked in the process. The next
    question: why did I cause so much trouble when
    Charter 77 professes respect for the law? I replied
    that it was constantly necessary to resort to new
    forms of protest against ceaseless abuses of the
    law. And finally, I was asked what people would
    think when they saw what had just been filmed. I
    retorted that I was being filmed without my
    consent, which was just one more abuse of the law,
    and that viewers would certainly draw their own
    conclusions. Finally, I pointed out that I had only
    one shoe and had no intention of leaving the place
    in the freezing cold in my stockinged feet. They
    left, and I again remained alone with one of them.
    I lay down on the floor.

    About an hour and a half later I was finally led
    down the stairs (I could walk only with great
    difficulty), put into an ancient car and taken
    home. The jerking vehicle brought hellish pains
    to my back. But what's a backache when human
    freedom and dignity are at stake? And now it
    seems they intend to show me on television as
    part of a new defamation campaign - in my
    work-clothes with the buttons torn off, with
    dishevelled hair, tired and battered. Will the
    disgrace be mine?

    (Transl. Paul Wilson)